Under the Domestic Violence Act 2018, there are three different orders that victims of abuse can apply at the District Court. These are; Barring Orders, Safety Orders, and Temporary Protection Orders. In many cases, the perpetrator must be notified of an order against them - either orally by the applicant or Gardaí, or they will be notified of the order by post. An order does not take effect until it is served to the respondent. In the case of a protection order, or an interim barring order, the court usually directs that order to be served on the respondent by An Garda Síochána. . The Orders that cause the most issue are Barring or Safety orders as these have both the victims and the abusers addresses on them.

Student nurses and midwives have been doing incredible work during the pandemic, but it's gone unpaid. They face the same COVID risks as any other healthcare worker and the same bills, but get nothing for their work. Worse, many have had to give up their weekend jobs due to the risk of cross-infection, meaning no income to cover fees, rent, transport or other bills. They are the future of nursing and midwifery in Ireland and need to be supported.

We need your help urgently to stop illegal evictions in Sheikh Jarrah. Please help Mohammad Sabbagh and other residents to keep their home in East Jerusalem. Mohammad is just one Sheikh Jarrah resident who faces becoming a refugee for the second time. Mohammad and his family were originally made refugees in 1948 during what Palestinians call the 'Nakba', meaning catastrophe, which saw between 750,000 and 1,000,000 Palestinians driven from their land in what Israel calls its War of Independence. The Sabbagh family fled from Jaffa and were awarded a home in then Jordanian controlled East Jerusalem in 1956 when the UN built 26 houses for 30 Palestinian families who had fled from Jaffa, Haifa and West Jerusalem. In 1967 Israel illegally annexed East Jerusalem and has since made every effort to remove the Palestinian population and cut the city off from the rest of the West Bank. Mohammad is now in his 70's and faces becoming a refugee for the second time in his life. Since 2008 he and his family have been battling a settler group in court over ownership of their property. The Israeli courts have unsurprisingly ruled in favour of the illegal settlers, and 45 members of the family are now facing forced eviction from their homes. In the last week Mohammad was issued with an eviction notice to vacate his home before November 24th. His lawyer has lodged a successful appeal which has moved the case to a higher court. But the threat of eviction remains high for Mohammad and other residents of Sheikh Jarrah. Why Sheikh Jarrah? Sheikh Jarrah has come under mounting pressure from the Israeli government in recent years. The East Jerusalem neighbourhood is a key target for settler activity due to its location. Sheikh Jarrah is located in close proximity to the Green Line (1949 Armistice Line). Sheikh Jarrah has been at the forefront of Israeli efforts to ethnically cleanse Palestinians from Jerusalem. What does international law say? According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs the 1967 occupation and annexation of East Jerusalem is not recognized by the international community, “with the UN Security Council repeatedly declaring all legislative measures and actions taken by Israel to alter the character and status of Jerusalem to be null and void.” Furthermore This eviction amounts to forcible transfer, which is in direct contravention of the fourth Geneva Convention. Article 49, first paragraph, of the Fourth Geneva Convention states: “Individual or mass forcible transfers, as well as deportations of protected persons from occupied territory to the territory of the Occupying Power or to that of any other country, occupied or not, are prohibited, regardless of their motive.” Take action We therefore demand Minister of Foreign Affairs, Simon Coveney take urgent action on this matter and call for an immediate halt to the forced displacement of Mohammad Sabbagh, his family, and community. Please take a moment to sign and share this petition. Further reading https://www.ochaopt.org/content/imminent-eviction-palestinian-family-east-jerusalem https://eyewitnessblogs.com/2020/05/29/you-know-we-like-life-and-we-have-a-right-to-live-it-evictions-and-resistance-in-sheikh-jarrah/ https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/1/15/israel-evicting-palestinian-family-to-replace-them-with-settlers

Gives each student equal opportunity and the liberty to make their own decision as opposed to receiving the institution credit note or opting for a reduction of fees

The Indian poet Varavara Rao was arrested and jailed in the aftermath of a violent protest at Bhima Koregan on 1 January 2018. Alongside ten other defendants, Varavara Rao denies all the charges raised against him. The elderly poet contracted COVID-19 while in prison and has been over two years in jail under appalling conditions without trial.

In 2020, Climate Case Ireland took the Government to the Supreme Court for failing to act on climate change - and won. However, the fight for climate justice isn’t over. Ireland’s Climate Bill 2020 threatens to undermine the impact of the Supreme Court’s landmark judgment in Climate Case Ireland and creates a legal framework so weak as to be incapable of enabling the urgent action needed. The Climate Bill must be revised to protect the historic Supreme Court judgment and ensure that Ireland finally adopts legislation which has climate justice, a just transition, and a clear commitment to remaining below +1.5°C as its central organizing principles. Sign your name to let the Government know they must fix Ireland’s Climate Bill! #FixThe Bill 1. Learn from Climate Case Ireland: Climate Case Ireland successfully challenged the Government’s 2017 National Mitigation Plan on the basis that the Government had failed to specify how it would achieve the objective of the original 2015 Climate Act within section 4(2)(a). The re-drafted 2020 Climate Bill makes changes to reduce accountability such as: a. Removing and replacing section 4(2)(a) of the Act. To preserve the effect of the Supreme Court's judgment, section 4(7), as inserted by the Bill, should be deleted or amended to be "without prejudice" to section 4(6); b. Requiring the government only to “pursue” the 2050 goal rather than “pursue and achieve”; the latter was the phrase used in the 2015 Act and in the previous Government’s 2019 Heads of Bill; c. Use of weak, permissive language to reduce legal accountability, such as “have regard to” and “in the opinion of the Government/Minister”; d. The Bill no longer refers to achieving an “environmentally sustainable economy”. This should be reinstated. 2. A 2030 Target: The National Climate Objective should reflect an explicit commitment to complete decarbonisation (not “net-zero”)* by 2030 at the very latest and an equitable and scientifically sound commitment to remaining below +1.5C (*zero energy emissions combined with nature-based solutions that enhance biodiversity to sequester carbon from sectors where some emissions remain inevitable). The Bill should include a ratchet mechanism empowering the Minister to bring forward the decarbonisation year and interim targets, which are needed in the Bill. 3. Climate Justice and Just Transition: Decarbonising Ireland’s economy in a decade will not be easy. The principles of climate justice and just transition should be defined and should include the principle of a progressive distribution of the financial burden of climate mitigation and adaptation measures. These must be the central organizing principles of the Bill, with clear accountability mechanisms. 4. Reliance on undeveloped and untested technologies: The Bill should aim for complete decarbonisation by 2030, rather than a ‘climate neutral economy’ – the Bill currently implies large-scale use of unproven CO2 “removal” technologies. 5. Interim targets: The Bill’s carbon budgets should be pegged to interim targets that will put Ireland on a pathway to a decarbonisation target year of 2030. 6. 7% not enough: The Programme for Government commitment to reduce emissions by 7% a year on average over the next decade is not enough to make a fair share contribution to keeping global temperature rise below +1.5°C. 7. Strengthen language: The requirement to ‘have regard to’ should be strengthened to ‘consistent with’ in relation to: a. The objective of the UNFCCC and the temperature limits specified in the Paris Agreement b. Fulfilling the principles of climate justice and just transition; c. Fulfilling the objectives of the National Biodiversity Action Plan and the Aarhus Convention. 8. Legal accountability needs to be built in throughout the Bill: Carbon budgets should be legally binding, and all activities undertaken by public bodies, Government departments and private industry should be consistent with the carbon budgets. Failure to remain within the carbon budget limit should be met with clear sanctions. 9. Obligations on public bodies: all public bodies should be required to carry out their duties in a manner ‘consistent with’ the temperature limits and principles of the Paris Agreement. 10. Reparations: Financing emissions reductions efforts overseas alongside the provision of technological support should be viewed as reparations for harms done due to climate change under the Loss and Damage mechanism. 11. Include emissions from international aviation and shipping. 12. Impact assessment and reporting: All plans, projects and programmes should be assessed for their full climate impacts including non-territorial emissions. The EPA should be tasked with monitoring and reporting on “consumption emissions” in addition to territorial emissions. 13. Fossil fuel infrastructure and fracked gas: The construction of new fossil fuel infrastructure and the re-permitting of existing infrastructure should be prohibited by the Bill, including for example liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminals and gas-fired power plants and storage facilities. We also call for the insertion into the Bill of a section amending the Petroleum and Other Minerals Development Act 1960 to prohibit the importation or sale of fracked gas. 14. Actively disseminate information on the functions of public bodies under the Bill & guarantee public participation. 15. Provisions relating to the Climate Change Advisory Council should be amended to: a. Replace voting ex-officio members with independent experts in industrial relations, law and social justice b. Ensure the Council is adequately resourced, gender balanced, and inclusive of directly affected interests (eg youth and migrants from worst impacted nations), c. Be tasked with regular reporting on whether current policies and plans represent “progression” and Ireland’s “highest possible ambition” (Paris Agreement).

Accessible therapeutic counselling for children is a proven cost-effective early intervention with the ability to alleviate distress for young people as well as pressure on already overwhelmed mental health services and on overstretched school staff. An on-call counselling support service with onward referral could provide students with an in-school option for seeking help, support and an extra entry point to accessing mental health services, often in a time of crisis. From the IACP. "On 18th May, 2019 the IACP outlined a proposal for the expansion of existing mental health supports to secondary schools, via the introduction of a State funded, counselling support service for children. Although these types of supports are available in many other countries, and are proven to be a cost effective, easily accessible early intervention, there is no such established support system in Ireland. Consider the current pandemic, the IACP is now proposing that these counselling supports be extended to primary school children. Prior to the current crisis a national survey – commissioned by the IACP and carried out by Behaviour & Attitudes (March 2019) found that there is very strong support amongst Irish adults for therapeutic counselling to be made available in all Irish schools – with 9 in 10 saying that they’d like to see this."

The greyhound racing industry received an increase in €2.4 million last year. This is an industry which has received €280 million in government funding since 2000. A shocking documentary has revealed that nearly 6,000 Irish greyhounds are killed each year just for not racing fast enough and endure horrific cruelty. Ireland is one of only eight countries in the world that still allows greyhound racing.

In 2018 the Irish government implemented a ban on trawlers greater than 18m to fish within 6 nautical miles of the Irish coast. The High Court has since overturned this ban with the current law now allowing boats of any size to fish anywhere with no regulations or quotas enforced. Not only is this detrimental to inshore ecosystems, smaller Irish fishing communities cannot compete with large unregulated trawlers coming inshore. Bantry Bay in West Cork is one particular area that is currently at the detriment of unsustainable fishing practices. Although Bantry Bay is a designated Special Area of Conservation (SAC), drone footage of pair trawling was captured here in October 2020. This area is home to marine invertebrates, fishes, elasmobranchs, seabirds and marine mammals. While pair trawlers are fishing legally, with no regulations or quotas, they are fishing at an unsustainable rate and removing a critical food source (sprat and herring) for many larger marine species. Additionally, 80% of Irish fishing vessels are less than 12m and cannot compete with large trawlers. We need the Irish government to support small Irish fishing communities and protect our marine environment and its inhabitants. The Minister of Agriculture, Food and Marine , Charlie McConalogue has recently lodged an appeal against the High Court’s decision to allow large trawlers to fish within 6 nautical miles of the Irish coast. We call on the High Court to reinstate this ban on trawlers greater than 18m to fish within 6 nautical miles of the Irish coast.

Unlike England, Scotland and Wales, NI still does not have a budget or scheme in place for free period products in all school toilets. Yet again, we have been left behind. Schools already provide free toilet roll, hand soap, hand towels and sanitary waste disposal bins in toilets. What makes period products any different? We firmly believe that any toilet that requires toilet roll, requires period products in exactly the same way. In June 2020, a Plan international UK study showed how 3 in 10 UK girls have struggled to afford or access sanitary wear during lockdown, with over half (54%) of these girls having used toilet paper as an alternative. There is no doubt that period poverty has been exacerbated as a result of the current pandemic and the need to maintain good hygiene has never been more important. Due to extensive job losses, an increase in people using food banks, and many other local support services being cut, families have been hard hit and are under more financial pressure than ever. At the Homeless Period Belfast, we have seen an exponential increase in demand and requests for our own period packs. In April – June 2020 we received 3 times the demand than previous years. Now, more than ever, a free period products scheme in schools across NI will relieve the financial pressure on parents and students purchasing these items. It will also alleviate the pressure of school students having to remember to carry period products in their bags when there are many other things to worry about and remember to bring (exams, books, homework, hand sanitiser/masks, bus passes etc.), meaning students can go about their daily lives without getting caught out. Free period products in schools will ensure that every young person can learn and be their very best, without the worry of their next pad or tampon holding them back.

At a time where 'connection' has become so important as we have all reflected on the effects of this pandemic on our families and communities, we must stand to oppose the wilful damage to our local folk-history heritage sites and preserve these for the future. The restoration, preservation and reopening of the 'Ródán' known as 'Lovers Lane' should not be a political matter...it is a necessary action to protect the living history and shared heritage for our community. 'Lovers Lane' is recorded as a public right of way on OS maps dating to the 1800's and is likely to be much older than this. There is a strong local folklore history connected to this site which is currently in the process of being ripped out by bulldozers by a local construction firm in the name of development. The planning documents show no permissions to interfere, damage or indeed close this public right of way...no public notification has been made to announce the closure of this public pathway which is heavily used by walkers, who now, due to the illegal closure and damage to the pathway, have to walk across a newly opened construction site entrance (which there is no planning permission for) along a busy narrow road and onto a major artery road, putting the public in harms way. We, the undersigned community of Carndonagh insist on the cessation of damage, the restoration to it's original state for preservation and the immediate reopening of the Ródán 'Lovers Lane' in Carndonagh, Co. Donegal.

The current pandemic has seen many people have their incomes severely affected or lost their jobs. More strain should not be put on struggling families by increasing council rents. While we understand council revenues are down due to the pandemic, local tenants should not have to pick up the tab for a lack of funds from central government.