Charlemont Street has wide footpaths but not a single tree along this stretch: just brick, paving and traffic. Street trees would give shade on hot days, soak up rainwater, cut noise and make the street a calmer, greener place to live, work and walk. Dublin City Council has already planted trees in the North East Inner City and the Liberties, so we know it can be done here. The more of us who sign, the harder it is for the council to ignore. Add your name and help green Charlemont Street.

We hope to get as much support as possible as this will affect everyone even in the future for other generations. The town will struggle more as it does not have the larger amount  of service's needed and these should be implemented before any housing comes in We hope to achieve as many as signatures as possible.  Open to individual residents to sign (Meaning: more than 1 person living in a household can sign as it affects all of us individually) 

While the government cosies up to big tech billionaires, ordinary people are paying the price.   This endless growth of data centres is: • Driving up our energy bills - households in Ireland paid €715 million more in electricity bills between 2015 and 2023 to subsidise the huge growth in data centres. Data centres also pay less for electricity than households.  • Draining our water supply - while people are forced to conserve water, data centres are allowed to use millions of litres a day. Over the summer of 2026, data centres doubled their water use in Ireland.  • Straining our energy grid - data centres now use 23% of all electricity in Ireland, and this is projected to grow to 31% by 2035. Instead of households being able to access clean, cheap energy, this is being sucked up by data centres.  • Affecting local communities - with air and noise pollution, and pressure on local infrastructure and services.  • Driving demand for more dirty gas - and encouraging the government to support new infrastructure to import more dirty, expensive gas to Ireland.     • Powering dangerous war and surveillance - investigations show that data centres in Ireland are providing cloud storage services to Israel’s military intelligence agency.  There have been limits placed on data centres in Ireland before, but we desperately need more. The government must reinstate a moratorium now, to address the huge harms that data centres are having on our communities.   We are planning to hand over this petition together with Friends of the Earth Ireland.

We want everyone in Ireland to have access to high quality, locally produced food. We also want farmers to earn a fair living from providing that food into their communities. What are we asking for? 1. Formal recognition of Local Food Farmers in Irish agricultural policy 2. A Basic Income of €350 a week for Local Food Farmers who meet the criteria, at a net cost of about €8.3m, roughly 0.4% of the Department of Agriculture's current annual expenditure. What does our current food system look like? Ireland has a highly productive agricultural sector, but our current food system is heavily shaped by export markets: • We import as much as 83% of our fruit and vegetables • We produce around 7x more beef than we consume yet, import over 40,000t of beef each year • 90% of Irish dairy production is exported • >50% of the average diet in Ireland is ultra-processed Our current model disconnects what we produce from what we eat, and shifts value away from farmers and local economies. Why invest in Local Food Farms? Local Food Farms generate multiple social, economic and environmental benefits. Increasing domestic food production reduces reliance on imports, strengthens resilience to supply-chain disruption and keeps more value circulating locally. There is significant potential to grow this sector while reconnecting land, people and communities. Why a Basic Income? If we want thriving local food systems, we need to guarantee a fair income for Local Food Farmers, but many Local Food Farms are overlooked by the current subsidy system. As voiced by farmers in our research, a Basic Income for Local Food Farmers would: • Provide income stability • Enable long-term planning and investment • Increase production and market reach • Drive on-farm innovation • Facilitate agroecological land stewardship • Improve farmers’ overall wellbeing • Support essential caregiving responsibilities • Create opportunities for on-farm educational programmes & community engagement What is a Local Food Farm? Talamh Beo have developed robust criteria to assess the eligibility of candidates for this Basic Income proposal. A summary is as follows: 1. Primary food production - the farm is actively engaged in the rearing or growing of primary food products 2. Local market oriented - at least 70% of food produced is sold via Short Food Supply Chains 3. Agroecological production - prioritising biodiversity and the long-term health of soils and ecosystems, through Organic Certification or in-conversion status 4. Commercial activity - able to demonstrate a minimum annual production value of €8,000

Most of us are aware of the impacts that climate change and habitat loss are having on our bird species. However, it may come as a surprise to hear that hunting of rare bird species is legal in Ireland every winter under the Open Seasons Order. No adequate explanation has ever been given by authorities, but hunting remains a popular tourist attraction. While most of those paying for hunting trips are probably unaware of this issue, it's not acceptable that the National Parks and Wildlife Service issue licences for vulnerable bird species. Macroom District Environmental Group has deemed this "UNFAIR GAME!".  The Irish Government is failing to fulfil its environmental obligations under EU law. Hunting is yet another pressure on bird populations, but it can be addressed straight away.  Red-listed species such as Golden Plover, Snipe, Woodcock, Red Grouse and Shoveler should be immediately taken off the open season list as well as amber-listed species; Tufted Duck, Mallard, Teal, Gadwall, Wigeon and Greylag Goose.

Climate impact LNG has a devastating impact on the climate because of the methane emissions released by fracking, cooling, shipping and regasifying it. It produces Greenhouse Gas (GHG) emissions 33% higher than coal and, using Robert Howarth’s research, Stop Shannon LNG has estimated that importing and using LNG in Ireland could produce double the greenhouse gas emissions of the pipeline gas we currently import.   In a very cynical move, the legislation allowing for construction of the terminal - the Strategic Gas Reserve (SGR) Act - disapplies section 15 of the Climate Act. This means that relevant state bodies no longer need to have regard for ‘mitigating greenhouse gas emissions.  Furthermore, the SGR Act doesn’t prevent the proposed project from increasing gas demand and consumption. Neither does it block the operation of the terminal by commercial operators or  prevent the development of other LNG import terminals, such as the Shannon LNG project in Co. Kerry, which is currently awaiting a planning decision.  Any LNG terminals built would lock us  into a fossil fuel future. All this when you have already conceded, in a complete dereliction of duty, that Ireland will fail to meet its legally-binding carbon emissions reduction targets resulting in billions of taxpayer money in fines. The Energy Security Myth  The proposed LNG import terminal is being framed as a necessary energy security measure, only to be used in ‘emergencies’. However, as explained in a recent article in the Clare Champion, this is a myth. LNG is completely unsuited to storage due to boil off and the proposed terminal would need to be emptied into the gas grid and refilled at least 6 times a year.. Supply of LNG is vulnerable to weather-related disruption and geopolitical instability. In March, a powerful tropical cyclone in Western Australia disrupted production at the country’s two biggest LNG plants run by Chevron. And global LNG flows out of the Middle East were upended earlier this year by Iran’s blockage of the Strait of Hormuz.  Under the government's new Large Energy Users connection policy, gas demand for electricity generation could increase by 20% due to data centres. This would mean that if the data centres currently awaiting planning approval are given access to the gas grid, there could be a shortfall in Ireland’s gas supply of 9-18% during a period of severe cold. Evidently, an LNG terminal is not an energy security solution, rather it is being proposed to enable the continued, unsustainable growth of data centres. Real energy security for Ireland would mean indigenous renewable energy (particularly community owned), increased electricity storage and interconnection, demand management, demand reduction through energy efficiency and insulation measures and, crucially, a reduction in demand from data centres.  Fracking and Public Health The US could supply 80% of the LNG imported to Europe by 2030. and Donald Trump is pressuring Ireland to buy US LNG. Meanwhile, you have engaged in talks with the Governor of New Mexico to discuss long term purchasing of US fracked gas. The vast majority of US LNG is produced by fracking, which was banned in Ireland in 2017 due to its adverse impacts on the environment and public health. Communities in the US where LNG is produced through fracking are suffering from respiratory illness, cancer, reproductive issues, blood related disorders in children and mental health issues. These issues disproportionately affect disadvantaged and poorer communities, and communities of colour.  You must not allow Ireland to be complicit in this social injustice. Additionally, importing fracked gas would threaten our ban on fracking. Impact on Household Bills The proposed LNG terminal is estimated to cost taxpayers at least €900 million euro but could be far more. LNG itself is expensive and is likely to become far more expensive in the future.  This will increase electricity bills, but nowhere in the legislation is there reference to this impact from the proposed development, nor has there been any cost-benefit analysis conducted. Furthermore, the proposed development, because of its massive climate impact, would make it more certain that taxpayers in this country will be on the hook for EU fines up to €26 billion. It would also mean rising economic costs from worsening storms and floods in this country, including rising insurance premiums.  Security and Safety Risk Paul Griffiths, Chief Executive of Predator Oil and Gas, said he would never live beside an LNG import terminal because of the risk of explosion. Floating LNG terminals, like the one being planned on your watch, are very vulnerable to attack and disruption. Just this summer, a US-owned LNG import terminal was attacked by a drone in Egypt, with the fire spreading to an LNG tanker.  These massive safety and security risks have not been addressed. As you must be well aware as Minister for Climate, LNG terminals, with their climate impact, also increase risk of floods, wildfires and sea-level rise, drought, food shortages, migration and geopolitical unrest. Undemocratic process You tried to block pre-legislative scrutiny on the SGR Act which paves the way for the proposed LNG terminal. Nonetheless, the Joint Oireachtas Committee for Climate, Environment and Energy identified a wide range of problems with the Act and made 43 recommendations in their Pre-Legislative Scrutiny Report. Almost none of these have been implemented. Now the Act gives you the authority to grant approval instead of An Comisiún Pleanála, even if the project is likely to have adverse impacts on a European site (e.g Natura 2000 site), a priority habitat or a priority species.You are also yielding to pressure from the US to enter into agreements with them on importing their fracked gas, thereby supporting their “America First”, “drill baby drill” policy, and undermining democracy world-wide. There is simply no scenario that justifies the construction of an LNG terminal in Ireland in this climate crisis. We, the undersigned, urgently call on you to abandon this project, ban LNG import terminals and accelerate Ireland’s transition to a just, fossil-fuel-free energy system.

On 24th October 2011, Irish citizen and hospice worker Celia de Jesus lost her life during a major flood event in Dublin. Unable to exit her basement flat as floodwater quickly rose at her door, she was trapped and drowned. In his report, the Dublin District Coroner of the time argue that Celia de Jesus drowned “as a result of a surge of water and flooding over a short period of time following two days of heavy rain”, reaching a final verdict of “death by misadventure”. However, extensive research into the tragic event reveals that the coroner report omits several pieces of evidence clearly challenging the conclusion of the report. Two of the main pieces of evidence left out of the report are as follows: • EVIDENCE 1: Celia de Jesus’s landlord had not received planning permission to divide the basement of his property into two rental units. Celia de Jesus was therefore renting an unauthorised basement flat. Furthermore, while located in a well-known flood-prone area, the basement flat had only one means of exit, the entrance door. All windows of the flat were blocked with metal bars. When Celia de Jesus was unable to open her entrance door for unknown reasons, she had no other means of exit at her disposal and was trapped. These pieces of evidence are never explicitly mentioned in the report and never outlined as a major cause of the tragic death. Instead, the claim is made that the works to divide the basement into two rental units (“appear to”) precede the Building Control Act 1990 and that, as a result, they shall be deemed to have been permitted. However, such a legal technicality cannot justify entertaining a misleading account of the tragic death. • EVIDENCE 2: In the coroner report, a list of planning applications submitted for the property in which Celia de Jesus died, both granted and refused, is provided. However, one planning application, dated 2009 and refused, is not included in the list. In this planning application addressed to Dublin City Council, it is stated that the property in which Celia de Jesus lived and died is “not of a habitable standard” (architect report, planning application 3066/09). Despite such a concerning statement, the issue failed to be addressed, which constituted another significant enabler of the tragic event. Following the tragic event and until now, various state and local government agencies, among them Dublin City Council, South Dublin County Council and the Office of Public Works, have actively sustained the misleading account of Celia de Jesus’s death in reports and during public meetings. Instead of mentioning the planning breach and institutional failure that led to the tragic death, they consistently and unliterally blamed the flood. The misleading account was widely relayed in the local and national press and among local communities. As we are now approaching the fifteenth anniversary of the tragic death, we ask Dublin City Council, South Dublin County Council, the Office of Public Works and the Minister for Justice to take the following actions as a matter of urgency: • ACTION 1: Issue a public statement explaining the full circumstances of the death of Celia de Jesus based on all available evidence • ACTION 2: Issue a public apology for having sustained a misleading account of the tragic death • ACTION 3: Request an immediate review of the coroner report and of its final verdict Please sign the petition to support these demands and share as widely as you can thank you!

Irish Rail / Iarnród Éireann have plans to tarmac the Fair Green to create an additional 20-30 car spaces for the new Dart Plus Rail Route. Kilcock Heritage & Historical Society hopes to protect the Fair Green as it holds immense historical weight. The Fair Green was the site of a famous market for centuries that drew people from far and wide. During the 1798 Rebellion, rebels were executed on the Fair Green and the government military barracks located in picture where current 1798 stone marks it on the Green was destroyed. Additionally, the centre of the Green features the Kilcock Market Cross, which was itself torn down by Yeomen in 1798 and beautifully restored by the town in 1999. Kilcock Heritage & Historical Society have plans to implement heritage storyboards detailing the history of the Fair Green and the 1798 rebellion in the Kilcock area. In addition, we hope to have a bronze monument to commemorate the people who died in the area which culminated in the Battle of Ovidstown of which over 224 people were killed a few fields west of Kilcock. It also acts as a beautiful green space for residents and kids. No other European country would allow a civic space like this to be destroyed and neither should we. Kilcock Heritage & Historical Society in no way intends to obstruct, impede or block Irish Rail and the much needed rail upgrade. We merely hope that they reconsider the value of the Fair Green and ensure its protection for centuries to come. 

The Triple Lock is the core of Ireland's Neutrality. It is a principled position taken by Ireland that, under international law, requires impartiality in refraining from supporting or helping either side in a military conflict, thereby reducing the potential for prolonging or intensifying war.  We believe that there should be no changes to the Triple Lock and Ireland's Neutral status without a referendum where all the people of Ireland can decide. The Triple Lock was cited as a key guarantee of Irish neutrality during both the Nice Treaty (2002) and Lisbon Treaty (2009) referendum campaigns, and removing the Triple Lock would fundamentally undermine Irish neutrality. Ireland's neutrality keeps us safe and is what has kept us out of foreign conflicts. With world politics being so volatile currently, and world peace being so fragile, now more than ever it is vital that Ireland is a voice for peace and justice and that our soldiers continue to be respected in their vitally important work as peacekeepers.  

Protecting our children from harm is the most basic responsibility and instinct of being a parent. The devastation we have seen across Europe this summer - thousands dying, including infants and young people, as a consequence of extreme heat; Irish tourists running for their lives from wildfires; children fainting and having seizures at school; nature and wildlife destroyed - is a sign of a fast worsening climate and biodiversity emergency which puts the future of all our kids and grandkids at risk.  Instead of the emergency response we need to protect children from the worst of climate harms, their Government has been back-tracking on their obligations to them. There is so much more we can do to protect our kids and give them a better chance for their future. And children and young people need it to happen now. Please join with other parents, care-givers and grandparents, and call on Taoiseach Mícháel Martin to step up for kids and future generations as he promised, and take emergency action to help protect them and their future.

Other people should join me in this campaigne because there has been many issues lately with the tullamore skate scene as the park is an unsafe place and the skatepark no longer feels like a fun place to learn to skate there is many skaters in tullamore and only one skatepark is no longer enough

Manor Street is a one-way street for cars heading into the city centre from the Cork Road direction. It has two cycle lanes, one to the left of the carriageway and a contraflow cycle lane on the right, to allow cyclists travel in the opposite direction to vehicular traffic. Until recently, both of these lanes had temporary plastic bollards marking them out, and separating cyclists from vehicular traffic.  Two weeks ago, the temporary plastic bollards were removed from the Manor Street cycle lanes in Waterford by Waterford City and County Council. The Council has not published any plans for upgrading the cycle lane surface, and there are no plans for Manor Street in the Council's 2026 Active Travel plan.  While the bollards offered limited physical protection, they made a big difference to the safety of cyclists using the lanes by clearly marking the edges of the cycle lane and creating a visual barrier. While the bollards may have been an inconvenience to drivers who expect to be able to pull into the kerb (and even onto the footpath), they made the street somewhat safer for cyclists.  They also helped to prevent the dangerous practice of cars parking in the cycle lane and blocking it.  Waterford Bicycle Users Group (a local group of the Irish Cycling Campaign) wants these bollards reinstated and a plan for upgrading the cycle lanes on Manor Street to be included in the 2027 active travel schemes.