I believe there is a serious and legitimate case for designating U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement as a terrorist organisation, based not on rhetoric or emotion, but on behaviour and impact. Terrorism is commonly understood as the use of force, intimidation, or fear against civilians in order to achieve political objectives. By that standard, the question should not be who is acting, but what they are doing. State authority should not place an organisation beyond moral or legal scrutiny if its methods align with those definitions. ICE is a civilian enforcement agency, yet it routinely uses armed, militarised tactics against non-violent people. Raids on homes and workplaces, sudden detentions, family separations, and prolonged incarceration without meaningful due process are not accidental excesses — they are central tools of enforcement. These actions are not aimed at stopping imminent violence. They are aimed at deterrence. Fear is not a side effect of ICE policy; fear is the policy. The impact of ICE’s actions extends far beyond the individuals they detain. Entire communities are terrorised. People avoid schools, hospitals, courts, and police out of fear that any interaction with the state could lead to detention or deportation. Parents are taken without warning. Children are separated from caregivers. Communities are left in a constant state of uncertainty, never knowing when the next raid will occur. This is collective intimidation, not targeted law enforcement. Human rights organisations have repeatedly documented deaths in ICE custody, denial of adequate medical care, prolonged detention without trial, and the use of solitary confinement. These are not isolated incidents. They are systemic, recurring, and tolerated. When an institution repeatedly inflicts serious harm on civilians and faces no meaningful accountability, it ceases to function as a legitimate law-enforcement body and begins to resemble a coercive force operating above the law. ICE has also engaged in collective punishment, a practice prohibited under international human rights norms. Family separation was explicitly justified as a deterrent, despite the known psychological harm it causes. Workplace raids punish entire households and communities for alleged civil violations by a few individuals. Punishment designed to make an example of people, rather than to deliver justice, is a defining feature of terror tactics. Crucially, ICE operates with near-total impunity. Officers are rarely held criminally responsible for abuses. Oversight mechanisms are weak. Courts regularly defer to claims of sovereignty or “national security.” This lack of accountability allows coercive violence to continue unchecked, reinforcing fear rather than upholding the rule of law. Non-state groups have been designated as terrorist organisations for engaging in detention without trial, intimidation of civilians, and political coercion through fear. When the same behaviours are carried out by a state agency, they are excused by authority rather than examined on their merits. If terrorism is defined by method rather than membership, this double standard cannot be justified. This is not an argument that borders should not exist, or that immigration law should not be enforced. It is an argument that enforcement through terror, intimidation, and collective punishment is illegitimate — regardless of who carries it out. A state does not gain moral exemption simply by wearing a uniform. Designating ICE as a terrorist organisation would acknowledge that terrorism is defined by actions, not by flags or institutions. It would affirm that no organisation is above scrutiny, and that violence and fear directed at civilian populations in pursuit of political goals must be condemned consistently. If we claim to oppose terrorism, we must be willing to recognise it even when it is carried out by the powerful.

Why leave and de-platform toxic and lock-in social media (such as X, Instagram, Snapchat, Tiktok) ? Black Box Algorithms: Lock-in platforms aim to show you more content that their owners like Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg and their paymasters want you to see, and less content that you want to see….  https://xodus.online/why#algorithms Rise of the far-right: Toxic platforms promote hate, the far-right, and interfere in elections…. https://xodus.online/why#democracy Disinformation: Toxic platforms do not support adequate fact-checking or moderation…. https://xodus.online/why#disinformation Over-consumption: Advertising-profit-platforms promote consumption patterns which are unhealthy for people and planet…. https://xodus.online/why#consumerism

Donald Trump, owner of Doonbeg where the 2026 Irish Open is taking place, is out of control. His warmongering, illegal actions, lying, global bullying and misogyny (to name just a few) has gone too far.  While moving the Irish Open from Doonbeg is but a small action, it is one that must be taken to show him that we will not put up with him and his bullying. I ask you all to look at one of the many other gorgeous locations across Ireland that can host the Irish Open in 2026, and take this money-making competition away from him. 

More than 1 in 5 people in Ireland report having a disability or disabling condition or difficulty, and most people will experience some form of disability at some point in their lives. Disabled people face some of the greatest barriers to full participation in Irish society. They are at significantly greater risk than non-disabled people of experiencing poverty, social exclusion, and unemployment, as well as barriers in transport, housing, education, and other areas. For example, 2 in 5 people with a disability are unable to afford essentials like heating or new clothes, more than double the national average. 1 in 5 people with a disability live in consistent poverty, nearly four times the national average. Ireland also has one of the widest disability employment gaps in the OECD: less than a third of people with disabilities in Ireland are in employment, compared to an EU average of just over half. People with disabilities face a higher cost of living. In the context of rapidly escalating costs in energy, food, and housing, disabled people are particularly vulnerable to cost pressures, especially as they are more likely to spend more of their time at home. The need for a cost of disability payment was identified as far back as 2004. That principle was reaffirmed in the State-commissioned Indecon report, published in 2021. The 2025 Programme for Government committed to the introduction of a permanent Annual Cost of Disability Support Payment with a view to incrementally increasing this payment. However, such payment was not included in Budget 2026. In fact, The Disability Federation of Ireland estimated that Budget 2026 would make disabled people €1,400 worse off in 2026 when compared to 2025.

Many asylum seekers are already part of our communities. They work in essential sectors, pay taxes, support local businesses, and contribute to Irish society, yet they remain in long-term uncertainty about their future. Regularising long-term contributors would strengthen communities, help address labour shortages, increase tax compliance, and reflect Ireland’s values of fairness, dignity, and compassion. These individuals are our co-workers and neighbours, and they deserve the chance to fully integrate and build stable lives in the country they now call home.

The proposed EU “Chat Control” measures would allow the mass scanning of private messages, emails, and photos, treating everyone as a suspect rather than protecting fundamental rights. This undermines the basic right to privacy and confidentiality of communications — rights that are protected under Irish law, the Irish Constitution, and the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Once private, encrypted conversations are weakened or scanned, there is no way to guarantee they won’t be misused, expanded to other purposes, or abused in the future. History shows that surveillance powers, once introduced, rarely remain limited. This proposal would also harm journalists, whistleblowers, lawyers, doctors, and activists who rely on secure communications to protect sources, clients, and vulnerable people. It would weaken cybersecurity for everyone by undermining encryption, making Irish citizens and businesses less safe from hackers and data breaches. Protecting children is essential — but mass surveillance of the entire population is neither necessary nor effective to achieve this. There are better, targeted ways to combat abuse without sacrificing the privacy and freedoms of millions of innocent people. Ireland has a strong tradition of defending civil liberties and digital rights. By signing this petition, you are standing up for privacy, security, and democratic values — and sending a clear message that mass surveillance has no place in a free society.

Tenants at 61 Mountjoy Square West in Dublin 1 are being evicted from their homes early next year. The landlord intends to sell the apartments, but Dublin's housing crisis means there are very few alternative homes available. Many of the tenants receive Housing Assistance Payments (HAP), including a single mother and children, and this eviction could force them into homelessness. Dublin City Council cannot standby while this happens. Dublin is responsible for nearly 70% of all homelessness in the country, with families and children bearing the brunt of this. There needs to be more done to keep people in secure housing. The Tenant-in-Situ (TiS) scheme was created for this reason, to prevent homelessness by allowing local authorities to purchase homes where tenants are at risk of no-fault evictions. It is a powerful tool to prevent eviction and keep families in their communities and homes.  Dublin City Council must use this power to purchase the apartments at Mountjoy Square. We all deserve access to safe, secure housing. It's a basic human right, not a commodity. Image: 61 Mountjoy Square West. Credit: Alekson Lacerda Dall’Armellina

Ireland Needs Real-Time Reporting of Sewer Discharges - Just Like the UK  Across Ireland, rivers, lakes, estuaries, bathing and coastal waters are being polluted by regular storm overflows and sewer discharges,  yet the public has no way to see when or where these events occur. Unlike the UK, Ireland has no national, real-time monitoring system to tell communities when their local waters are contaminated.  Under the Urban Waste Water Treatment Regulations and Directives, Uisce Éireann and sanitary authorities are already legally required to monitor wastewater discharges and assess their impacts on receiving waters. But many overflows have no monitors or are not up to code. Without transparent, real-time reporting, these obligations are not meaningfully met, and the public remains unaware of pollution events happening in their own communities.   Why This Matters  • We can’t plan future wastewater capacity without accurate overflow data. Ireland cannot model infrastructure needs or comply with the Water Framework Directive if it does not quantify the true scale and frequency of sewer overflows. Real-time and historical data on CSOs are essential for evidence-based planning, upgrading the network, and preventing future pollution crises. • Public health and the environment are at risk. Untreated storm overflows often contain sewage, agricultural runoff, chemicals, and pathogens. They threaten bathing waters, drinking-water sources, shellfish areas, fisheries, wildlife, and recreation. • The technology already exists. The UK’s publicly accessible monitoring platforms — such as the National Storm Overflow Hub — show that real-time reporting is fully achievable and enormously beneficial for communities. see: https://www.streamwaterdata.co.uk/pages/the-national-storm-overflow-hub • Transparency builds trust. Citizens deserve to know when their local waters are unsafe. Real-time data empowers swimmers, anglers, families, fishers, environmental groups, and local authorities to make informed decisions. We, the undersigned, call on Uisce Éireann and the Irish Government to: 1. Fully comply with statutory obligations Ensure comprehensive monitoring of all wastewater discharges, including storm overflows and combined sewer overflows, as required under Irish and EU law. 2. Create a national, public, real-time reporting system   Build an open-access online platform (like the UK system) showing:   • when and where overflows occur, • their duration and estimated volumes, and • the type of discharge (untreated, partially treated, stormwater, etc.). 3. Use this data to plan for future capacity Commit to using real, measured overflow data to identify system weaknesses, inform capital investment, and meet long-term obligations under the Water Framework Directive and climate-resilience planning. 4. Protect our rivers, lakes, and coasts Reduce harmful discharges and ensure the public can see in real time when pollution events occur. Ireland deserves clean water, transparent reporting, and evidence-based planning.   We urge Uisce Éireann and the Irish Government to act now.  

For decades in Ireland, young women were taken into Mother and Baby Homes and stripped of everything. They lost their identity, their dignity and their basic human rights. The maternity care they received was often harsh, dangerous and deeply traumatic. Many laboured alone, frightened and without proper medical support. The lifelong physical injuries and emotional scars these women still suffer today are a direct result of the conditions described in the Mother and Baby Homes Commission Report. At Sean Ross Abbey, where I was born, public records show that around one thousand and ninety babies and children died along with twenty three young girls and young women. Their deaths were recorded, but their resting places are unknown. Their families have no answers. Their names survive only on paper and the truth of what happened to them has been hidden for generations. These children deserve to be found and their mothers deserve answers before time runs out. When babies were born in these institutions many were taken from their mothers without consent. The Commission confirmed that large payments or donations were made for many of these adoptions, often directly to the religious orders. Mothers were never told, never asked and never given a choice. Some babies were sent abroad. Some had incomplete or altered documents. Many mothers left these homes having no idea where their children were taken. This was not informed adoption. It was forced separation. Inside these institutions thousands of infants died from conditions linked to neglect, malnutrition, infection and a complete lack of adequate care. The Commission also confirmed that vaccine trials were carried out on children without their mothers knowledge or permission. Who allowed pharmaceutical companies into these institutions. Who authorised these trials. Was it the State, the religious orders or both. The answers to these questions are in the records the Government has sealed for thirty years. We are told that inspections took place, but if inspections happened then how did thousands of children die. How were these conditions allowed to continue for decades. Again, the truth lies in the records the State has locked away for thirty years. This was not one home or one county. It happened across Ireland and touched every parish, every family and every generation. The Government claims it wants to learn from the past, yet it refuses to find the missing children, refuses to open the sealed records and excludes many survivors from redress. That is not learning. It is continuing the harm. These babies were not shame and they were not secrets. They were children. They were sons and daughters who deserve dignity, truth and the chance to be brought home. Their mothers deserve answers before they die. And the people of Ireland deserve honesty about what happened in these institutions run by both the State and the religious orders. This is why this petition matters. This is not only a survivor issue. This is a national issue, a moral issue and a human issue. Signing this petition is how every Irish citizen can stand with these mothers, stand with these children and demand truth, dignity and justice from our Government. I am doing this for the babies of Sean Ross Abbey and every mother who still waits for answers.

Survivors of sexual violence deserve safety, dignity, and privacy when seeking counseling and support. For too long, the possibility that deeply personal counseling notes could be used against them in court has caused unnecessary fear, re-traumatisation, and discouraged many from seeking the help they need. Thanks to the tireless advocacy of survivors, activists and politicians, the Oireachtas Justice Committee has listened. In its report on the General Scheme of the Criminal Law and Civil Law (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill 2025, the Committee strongly recommends an outright ban on the use of counseling records as evidence in sexual offense trials, removing the current provision that allows judges to decide whether such records can be used. This recommendation is a vital step toward creating a more compassionate and trauma-informed justice system for survivors of sexual violence in Ireland. We urge the Minister for Justice and all members of the Oireachtas to: 1. Adopt the Committee’s recommendation in full — ensuring an absolute ban on the use of counseling records in sexual offense trials. 2. Protect the privacy and dignity of survivors by removing judicial discretion to admit these records as evidence. 3. Prioritize survivor well-being and access to justice in all future legislation and court practice.

In Stapolin ETNS, we are having to campaign for 2 additional autism classes to meet the needs of children within our school and local community because the NCSE have informed us that our school is not considered a priority, despite us showing a clear need for these classes.  We currently have 2 autism classes which arre full. We have 8 children with eligibility letters in our mainstream waiting on an autism class space. On top of that we have 50 children on our waiting list, 20 of whom are in our immediate catchment area.  2 more classes is 12 spaces. That would ensure that the 8 children in our mainstream have access to the supports the need to access their education, as well as offering remaining places to some of those on our waiting list.  While we appreciate it’s important that schools without autism classes are encouraged and supported to open them, the need in our own school is urgent and undeniable, and we don't understand why both can't happen at the same time - allow us to open additional classes to support the children currently in our school and in our local catchment area, while also encouraging schools without autism classes to open them aswell.  Every child should have the chance to continue their education in the community where they’ve already built friendships, feel safe, and have strong relationships with staff who know and understand them. Please support our campaign for two additional autism classes in Stapolin and to support the rights of children to an appropriate education that meets their needs. 

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